Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations

Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Academic Discipline: International Relations Course Name: IR Theory Assignment Subject: Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Academic Level: Graduate Referencing Style: MLA Word Count: 1,567 A productive assumption informing much of international relations theory and foreign policy analysis since the 1950s has been the pursuit of rationality by utility maximizing actors. While rationalism has provided a ‘policy-relevant’ means of not only interpreting the endless complexity of international politics, but also predicting likely future behaviour â€" it is increasingly questionable whether such assumptions are adequate. Academics interested in the foreign-policy psychology have questioned the presumed rationality of policy actors while interrogating the intersections of various levels of analysis â€" for example, the individual, the state and the system writ large. This paper examines one aspect of this interrogation: the study of emotion. In conducting this analysis, this paper will argue that the discipline requires a greater appreciation of the links between mind and body, and between emotion and rationality. Indeed, the discipline of international relations is argua bly well-situated to question whether reason and emotion truly exist in opposition at all. The relationship between affect (embodied impetus to act) and emotion has a long history in sociology and neuroscience, and while this paper cannot hope to do justice to the nuances and breadth of these analyses, it can touch on some central arguments that might be engaged productively in the study of international relations and foreign policy. The affective systems in the brain are functionally linked to the cognitive processes often framed as the solitary seat of reason; these functional links are intrinsic to our capacity to manifest rationality. This insight undermines rationalist approaches that not only presume a non-emotive rationality, but also assume that such a rationality is desirable. Emotion from this standpoint does not stand in opposition to rationality, but is actually a condition of its existence (see Mercer 2005). Given the willingness of individuals â€" consider suicide bombing â€" to kill themselves for an ideal (whatever that ideal may be), a central question of international relations should be whether rationalism and utility maximization can adequately capture the psychological and social motives behind such forms of political agency. By treating emotion as a functionally necessary component of rationality, it may be possible to better analyze emotional dynamics that are inherent in human commitments to socially constructed structures such as the state, or political parties. If our ability to act rationally is linked to emotion, then rationality itself must be linked to identities and the social structures they often embody. Therefore, by taking emotion seriously as a productive and necessary part of our capacity to understand and act in the world, we gain potential insight into identity formation, and how differing social dynamics at different levels of analysis may lead to different claims about what is normal and rational in the study and practice of international politics. Treating reason and emotion in opposition to one another has a history in Western thought stretching back to Plato and Aristotle (Damasio 1994: 170-171). This conflictual relation between the two phenomena is reflected in contemporary scholarship in the presupposition that reason’s role is to tame, or eliminate emotion from influencing rational deliberation; non-emotive reasoning is therefore considered essential to rational assessment (2000: 222-223; see also Marcus 2003: 183; Elster 1999: 55-76). More specifically, this assumption regarding reason’s primacy over emotion is reflected in international relations and foreign policy analysis via the assumption that it is a pre-condition to optimal political judgement in decision-making contexts; severing emotion from reason in decision-making rationality is considered necessary to efficiently linking means to ends (Marcus 2003: 185). It is evident therefore that any definition of emotion will fail to be satisfying to every scholar. Epistemic commitments, disciplinary considerations, and specific methodologies will undermine the appeal of emotion for certain bodies of scholarship (see Crawford 2000; Fineman 2004). Rose McDermott defines emotion as the following: “Emotion is one of a large set of differentiated biologically based complex conditions that are about something” (2004a, 692). This definition has the advantage offering multiple possible means of deploying the concept of emotion to the study of politics. Academics can assert emotion’s physiological dynamics, its aspects that are socially constructed, or some combination of both. Biologically, emotions are generated by changes in relevant body systems â€" the musculo-skeletal, the nervous system, the endocrine system, and the neurotransmitter and neuroactive peptide systems â€" whose interaction mobilizes and disposes humans to act in particular ways (see McDermott 2004a; Turner 2007: 2). Here, emotions are complex physiological responses to stimuli (external or internal). Emotions are activated via affective systems in the brain processing information and recognizing significance; this recognition produces an automatic behavioural response that contextualizes and informs subsequent cognitive processing. Emotions can also be understood as socially constructed. In this approach, emotions are produced, defined and re-iterated via socialization. Emotions here are shaped by cultural context (Crawford 2000: 128; Fattah Fierke 2009: 69-70). A key argument from this perspective is that the because the beliefs, judgments and desires characteristic of emotion are ultimately contingent, they will vary depending upon social context. Furthermore, cultural contextualization of emotion acts to restrain certain behaviours, while endorsing other cultural values. Therefore, when speaking of a specific emotion such as shame, the substance or meaning of the emotion will have differing understandings depending upon time and place (Cohen Kitayama 2007: 847-850). Moreover, even if one makes the assumption that emotions are universal and unvarying, the subjects and objects to which these emotions are related will be contingent. As Khaled Fattah and K.M. Fierke argue: “… emotions [are] socially meanin gful expressions, which depend on shared customs, uses and institutions … The central question is how experiences are given emotional meaning and how this meaning legitimizes certain forms of action, and thereby shapes future interactions” (2009: 70). A final take on the study of emotion in international relations can be utilized that subdivides emotion into emotions and feelings. Here emotion represents the physiologically derived capacity to emote, and feelings the socially constructed aspect of the concept (Damasio 1994). The value in adopting this method is that emotion is viewed as a biologically innate and universal aspect of human thought, and that its arousal is context specific depending upon the subjectivity of the individual and the contexts and experiences that shaped that subjectivity (see Bechara, A.; Damasio, H.; Tranel, D. Damasio, A. R. 1997). Regarding the relation between affect and cognition, Andrew Ross argues: This work lends itself to more open-ended applications and is attentive to the complex mixing of biological and social processes. These sources thus offer constructivists not irrefutable evidence but contestable insights into biological dimensions of social processes. These insights might be used to formulate non-deterministic, historically informed inferences about the role of affect in political life (2006: 204). Emotion is therefore a potentially productive means of linking the material and the social, and in so-doing provides a novel means of better understanding the identity-based dispositions of decisionmakers. Where emotions were once understood as “unimportant outcomes of ‘cold’ cognitive processes, lacking adaptive value at best or constituting maladaptive functioning at worst … it is now clear that emotions are useful as organizational constructs, lending clarity to the relationship between various aspects of situations and an organism’s responses to those situations” (1984: 256). The ontogenetic process of identity formation in all humans is therefore linked to this emotional/cognitive evolution; as we pass through life context and bodily response form mental shortcuts for later assessments of what feels positive or negative about a given context or phenomena (McDermott 2004b: 163). Emotions are therefore central elements in human’s adaptation to social contexts â€" t hey are functionally vital to any capacity for rationality in decision-making. In neuroscientific studies, the affective components of emotion have been found to precede cognitive deliberation. In this way emotions have been found to autonomically simplify cognitively complex situations to produce a more manageable array of choices for decisionmakers. Yet these conscious and unconscious emotional dynamics are also necessary for our social functioning. Jonathan Mercer notes that “People without emotion may know they should be ethical, and may know they should be influenced by norms, and may know that they should not make disastrous financial decisions, but this knowledge is abstract and inert and does not weigh on their decisions (Mercer 2005: 93). Mercer’s argument is that emotion is vital for an actor to relate to social structures; lacking emotionality, actors find themselves socially incapable of functioning appropriately. The study of foreign policy has stressed the failure policymakers to achieve optimal rationality; rationality here being understood as contextualized by “simplified subjective representations of reality” (Tetlock McGuire 2005: 485). The beliefs and expectations that are evident in decision-making have been found to be significantly shaped by a priori assumptions; that is, as Robert Jervis argues, “… actors tend to perceive what they expect” (2005: 463). Thus, cognitivists argue that familiarity a given social context shapes how a given agent is likely to perceive others (Jervis 2005: 471). In conclusion, it is obvious that the above approaches fixate upon errors in judgement, with emotionality contributing solely to these errors. It is also evident that treating emotion as potentially productive and invariably unavoidable to the study of politics and international relations can provide new interpretations and expectations regarding the human capacity for change, how we are enculturated to feel intensely about abstract concepts, and ultimately why social constructs such as the state or ‘nation’ are capable of motivating individuals to obscene acts of violence including a willingness to sacrifice one’s own life in their name. Works Cited: Bechara, A.; Damasio, H.; Tranel, D.; Damasio, A. R. “Deciding Advantageously Before Knowing the Advantageous Strategy.” Science, 275.5304 (1997): 1293-1294. Blight, James G. The Shattered Crystal Ball New York: Rowan Littlefield, 1990. Blight, James G. Brenner, Philip. Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba’s Struggle with the Superpowers and the Missile Crisis. New York: Rowan Littlefield, 2002. Campos, Joseph J. Barrett, Karen C. “Toward a New Understanding of Emotions and their Development.” in Carroll E. Izard, Jerome Kagan Robert E. Zajonc (eds.), Emotions, Cognition and Behavior. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Cassino, Dan Lodge, Milton. “The Primacy of Affect in Political Evaluations” in W. Russell Neuman, George E. Marcus, Ann N. Cringler Michael Mackuen (eds.) The Affect Effect: Dynamics of Emotion in Political Thinking and Behavior Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Cohen, Dov Kityayama, Shinobu. “Cultural Psychology: This Stanza and the Next.” in Shinobu Kitayama Dov Cohen (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Psychology. New York: The Gulford Press, 2007. Crawford, Neta. “The Passion of World Politics: Propositions on Emotion and Emotional Relationships,” International Security 24 (2000): 116-156. Damasio, Antonio R. Descartes Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain New York: G.P. Putnam, 1994. Elster, Jon. Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Fattah, Khaled Fierke, K.M. “A Clash of Emotions: The Politics of Humiliation and Political Violence in the Middle East.” European Journal of Political Science. 15.1 (2009): 67â€"93 Faizullaev, Alisher. “Diplomacy and Self.” Diplomacy and Statecraft, 17 (2006): 497â€"522. Fineman, Stephan. “Getting the Measure of Emotion â€" and the Cautionary Tale of Emotional Iintelligence.” Human Relations. 57.6(2004): 719-740. Houghton, David Patrick. Political Psychology. New York: Routledge, 2008 Houghton, David Patrick. “Analogical Reasoning, Neuroscience, and Emotion: Toward a Hot Cognitive Approach.” Paper presented to ISA annual meeting February, 2009. Marcus, G.E. “Emotion in Politics.” Annual Review of Political Science 2000 3: 221-250. Marcus, G.E. “The Psychology of Emotion and Politics.” in David O. Sears, Leonie Huddy, and Robert Jervis (eds.) Oxford Handbook of political psychology, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. McDermott, Rose. “The Feeling of Rationality: The Meaning of Neuroscientific Advances for Political Science.” Perspectives on Politics. 4 (2004): 691-706. McDermott, Rose. Political Psychology in International Relations. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004. Mercer, Jonathan. “Rationality and Psychology in International Politics.” International Organization 1 (2005): 77-106. Mercer, Jonathan. “Human Nature and the First Image: Emotion in International Politics.” Journal of International Relations and Development. 2006 9: 288-303. Mesquita, Batja; Leu, Janxin. “The Cultural Psychology of Emotion.” in Shinobu Kitayama Dov Cohen (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Psychology. New York: The Guilford Press, 2007. Neuman, W. Russell; Marcus, George E.; Cringler, Ann Mackuen, Michael. “Theorizing Affects Effects.” in W. Russell Neuman, George E. Marcus, Ann N. Cringler Michael Mackuen (eds.) The Affect Effect: Dynamics of Emotion in Political Thinking and Behavior. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007 Ross, Andrew A. “Coming in from the Cold: Constructivism and Emotions,” European Journal of International Relations 12 (2006): 197-222. Rittberger, Volker. Approaches to the Study of Foreign Policy Derived from International Relations Theory.” Paper presented to ISA annual meeting, March 2002. Stein, Janice Gross. “Building Politics into Psychology: The Misperception of Threat.” Political Psychology, 2 (1988): 245-271. Tetlock, Philip McGuire, Charles. “Cognitive Perspectives on Foreign Policy,” in John Ikenberry, ed., American Foreign Policy: Theoretical Essays, New York: Longman, 2005: 484-500. Voss, James F. Dorsey, Ellen. “Perception and International Relations: An Overview.” in Eric Singer Valerie Hudson (eds.), Political Psychology and Foreign Policy. San Francisco: Westview Press, 1992. Weber, Cynthia. Faking It: U. S. Hegemony in a Post-Phallic era. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. Zajonc, Robert B. “On the Primacy of Affect.” American Psychologist.” 1984 39.2 (1984): 117â€"23. Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Academic Discipline: International Relations Course Name: IR Theory Assignment Subject: Theorizing Emotion and Affect in International Relations Academic Level: Graduate Referencing Style: MLA Word Count: 1,567 A productive assumption informing much of international relations theory and foreign policy analysis since the 1950s has been the pursuit of rationality by utility maximizing actors. While rationalism has provided a ‘policy-relevant’ means of not only interpreting the endless complexity of international politics, but also predicting likely future behaviour â€" it is increasingly questionable whether such assumptions are adequate. Academics interested in the foreign-policy psychology have questioned the presumed rationality of policy actors while interrogating the intersections of various levels of analysis â€" for example, the individual, the state and the system writ large. This paper examines one aspect of this interrogation: the study of emotion. In conducting this analysis, this paper will argue that the discipline requires a greater appreciation of the links between mind and body, and between emotion and rationality. Indeed, the discipline of international relations is argua bly well-situated to question whether reason and emotion truly exist in opposition at all. The relationship between affect (embodied impetus to act) and emotion has a long history in sociology and neuroscience, and while this paper cannot hope to do justice to the nuances and breadth of these analyses, it can touch on some central arguments that might be engaged productively in the study of international relations and foreign policy. The affective systems in the brain are functionally linked to the cognitive processes often framed as the solitary seat of reason; these functional links are intrinsic to our capacity to manifest rationality. This insight undermines rationalist approaches that not only presume a non-emotive rationality, but also assume that such a rationality is desirable. Emotion from this standpoint does not stand in opposition to rationality, but is actually a condition of its existence (see Mercer 2005). Given the willingness of individuals â€" consider suicide bombing â€" to kill themselves for an ideal (whatever that ideal may be), a central question of international relations should be whether rationalism and utility maximization can adequately capture the psychological and social motives behind such forms of political agency. By treating emotion as a functionally necessary component of rationality, it may be possible to better analyze emotional dynamics that are inherent in human commitments to socially constructed structures such as the state, or political parties. If our ability to act rationally is linked to emotion, then rationality itself must be linked to identities and the social structures they often embody. Therefore, by taking emotion seriously as a productive and necessary part of our capacity to understand and act in the world, we gain potential insight into identity formation, and how differing social dynamics at different levels of analysis may lead to different claims about what is normal and rational in the study and practice of international politics. Treating reason and emotion in opposition to one another has a history in Western thought stretching back to Plato and Aristotle (Damasio 1994: 170-171). This conflictual relation between the two phenomena is reflected in contemporary scholarship in the presupposition that reason’s role is to tame, or eliminate emotion from influencing rational deliberation; non-emotive reasoning is therefore considered essential to rational assessment (2000: 222-223; see also Marcus 2003: 183; Elster 1999: 55-76). More specifically, this assumption regarding reason’s primacy over emotion is reflected in international relations and foreign policy analysis via the assumption that it is a pre-condition to optimal political judgement in decision-making contexts; severing emotion from reason in decision-making rationality is considered necessary to efficiently linking means to ends (Marcus 2003: 185). It is evident therefore that any definition of emotion will fail to be satisfying to every scholar. Epistemic commitments, disciplinary considerations, and specific methodologies will undermine the appeal of emotion for certain bodies of scholarship (see Crawford 2000; Fineman 2004). Rose McDermott defines emotion as the following: “Emotion is one of a large set of differentiated biologically based complex conditions that are about something” (2004a, 692). This definition has the advantage offering multiple possible means of deploying the concept of emotion to the study of politics. Academics can assert emotion’s physiological dynamics, its aspects that are socially constructed, or some combination of both. Biologically, emotions are generated by changes in relevant body systems â€" the musculo-skeletal, the nervous system, the endocrine system, and the neurotransmitter and neuroactive peptide systems â€" whose interaction mobilizes and disposes humans to act in particular ways (see McDermott 2004a; Turner 2007: 2). Here, emotions are complex physiological responses to stimuli (external or internal). Emotions are activated via affective systems in the brain processing information and recognizing significance; this recognition produces an automatic behavioural response that contextualizes and informs subsequent cognitive processing. Emotions can also be understood as socially constructed. In this approach, emotions are produced, defined and re-iterated via socialization. Emotions here are shaped by cultural context (Crawford 2000: 128; Fattah Fierke 2009: 69-70). A key argument from this perspective is that the because the beliefs, judgments and desires characteristic of emotion are ultimately contingent, they will vary depending upon social context. Furthermore, cultural contextualization of emotion acts to restrain certain behaviours, while endorsing other cultural values. Therefore, when speaking of a specific emotion such as shame, the substance or meaning of the emotion will have differing understandings depending upon time and place (Cohen Kitayama 2007: 847-850). Moreover, even if one makes the assumption that emotions are universal and unvarying, the subjects and objects to which these emotions are related will be contingent. As Khaled Fattah and K.M. Fierke argue: “… emotions [are] socially meanin gful expressions, which depend on shared customs, uses and institutions … The central question is how experiences are given emotional meaning and how this meaning legitimizes certain forms of action, and thereby shapes future interactions” (2009: 70). A final take on the study of emotion in international relations can be utilized that subdivides emotion into emotions and feelings. Here emotion represents the physiologically derived capacity to emote, and feelings the socially constructed aspect of the concept (Damasio 1994). The value in adopting this method is that emotion is viewed as a biologically innate and universal aspect of human thought, and that its arousal is context specific depending upon the subjectivity of the individual and the contexts and experiences that shaped that subjectivity (see Bechara, A.; Damasio, H.; Tranel, D. Damasio, A. R. 1997). Regarding the relation between affect and cognition, Andrew Ross argues: This work lends itself to more open-ended applications and is attentive to the complex mixing of biological and social processes. These sources thus offer constructivists not irrefutable evidence but contestable insights into biological dimensions of social processes. These insights might be used to formulate non-deterministic, historically informed inferences about the role of affect in political life (2006: 204). Emotion is therefore a potentially productive means of linking the material and the social, and in so-doing provides a novel means of better understanding the identity-based dispositions of decisionmakers. Where emotions were once understood as “unimportant outcomes of ‘cold’ cognitive processes, lacking adaptive value at best or constituting maladaptive functioning at worst … it is now clear that emotions are useful as organizational constructs, lending clarity to the relationship between various aspects of situations and an organism’s responses to those situations” (1984: 256). The ontogenetic process of identity formation in all humans is therefore linked to this emotional/cognitive evolution; as we pass through life context and bodily response form mental shortcuts for later assessments of what feels positive or negative about a given context or phenomena (McDermott 2004b: 163). Emotions are therefore central elements in human’s adaptation to social contexts â€" t hey are functionally vital to any capacity for rationality in decision-making. In neuroscientific studies, the affective components of emotion have been found to precede cognitive deliberation. In this way emotions have been found to autonomically simplify cognitively complex situations to produce a more manageable array of choices for decisionmakers. Yet these conscious and unconscious emotional dynamics are also necessary for our social functioning. Jonathan Mercer notes that “People without emotion may know they should be ethical, and may know they should be influenced by norms, and may know that they should not make disastrous financial decisions, but this knowledge is abstract and inert and does not weigh on their decisions (Mercer 2005: 93). Mercer’s argument is that emotion is vital for an actor to relate to social structures; lacking emotionality, actors find themselves socially incapable of functioning appropriately. The study of foreign policy has stressed the failure policymakers to achieve optimal rationality; rationality here being understood as contextualized by “simplified subjective representations of reality” (Tetlock McGuire 2005: 485). The beliefs and expectations that are evident in decision-making have been found to be significantly shaped by a priori assumptions; that is, as Robert Jervis argues, “… actors tend to perceive what they expect” (2005: 463). Thus, cognitivists argue that familiarity a given social context shapes how a given agent is likely to perceive others (Jervis 2005: 471). In conclusion, it is obvious that the above approaches fixate upon errors in judgement, with emotionality contributing solely to these errors. It is also evident that treating emotion as potentially productive and invariably unavoidable to the study of politics and international relations can provide new interpretations and expectations regarding the human capacity for change, how we are enculturated to feel intensely about abstract concepts, and ultimately why social constructs such as the state or ‘nation’ are capable of motivating individuals to obscene acts of violence including a willingness to sacrifice one’s own life in their name. Works Cited: Bechara, A.; Damasio, H.; Tranel, D.; Damasio, A. R. “Deciding Advantageously Before Knowing the Advantageous Strategy.” Science, 275.5304 (1997): 1293-1294. Blight, James G. The Shattered Crystal Ball New York: Rowan Littlefield, 1990. Blight, James G. Brenner, Philip. Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba’s Struggle with the Superpowers and the Missile Crisis. New York: Rowan Littlefield, 2002. Campos, Joseph J. Barrett, Karen C. “Toward a New Understanding of Emotions and their Development.” in Carroll E. Izard, Jerome Kagan Robert E. Zajonc (eds.), Emotions, Cognition and Behavior. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Cassino, Dan Lodge, Milton. “The Primacy of Affect in Political Evaluations” in W. Russell Neuman, George E. Marcus, Ann N. Cringler Michael Mackuen (eds.) The Affect Effect: Dynamics of Emotion in Political Thinking and Behavior Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007. Cohen, Dov Kityayama, Shinobu. “Cultural Psychology: This Stanza and the Next.” in Shinobu Kitayama Dov Cohen (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Psychology. New York: The Gulford Press, 2007. Crawford, Neta. “The Passion of World Politics: Propositions on Emotion and Emotional Relationships,” International Security 24 (2000): 116-156. Damasio, Antonio R. Descartes Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain New York: G.P. Putnam, 1994. Elster, Jon. Alchemies of the Mind: Rationality and the Emotions. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Fattah, Khaled Fierke, K.M. “A Clash of Emotions: The Politics of Humiliation and Political Violence in the Middle East.” European Journal of Political Science. 15.1 (2009): 67â€"93 Faizullaev, Alisher. “Diplomacy and Self.” Diplomacy and Statecraft, 17 (2006): 497â€"522. Fineman, Stephan. “Getting the Measure of Emotion â€" and the Cautionary Tale of Emotional Iintelligence.” Human Relations. 57.6(2004): 719-740. Houghton, David Patrick. Political Psychology. New York: Routledge, 2008 Houghton, David Patrick. “Analogical Reasoning, Neuroscience, and Emotion: Toward a Hot Cognitive Approach.” Paper presented to ISA annual meeting February, 2009. Marcus, G.E. “Emotion in Politics.” Annual Review of Political Science 2000 3: 221-250. Marcus, G.E. “The Psychology of Emotion and Politics.” in David O. Sears, Leonie Huddy, and Robert Jervis (eds.) Oxford Handbook of political psychology, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. McDermott, Rose. “The Feeling of Rationality: The Meaning of Neuroscientific Advances for Political Science.” Perspectives on Politics. 4 (2004): 691-706. McDermott, Rose. Political Psychology in International Relations. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2004. Mercer, Jonathan. “Rationality and Psychology in International Politics.” International Organization 1 (2005): 77-106. Mercer, Jonathan. “Human Nature and the First Image: Emotion in International Politics.” Journal of International Relations and Development. 2006 9: 288-303. Mesquita, Batja; Leu, Janxin. “The Cultural Psychology of Emotion.” in Shinobu Kitayama Dov Cohen (eds.), Handbook of Cultural Psychology. New York: The Guilford Press, 2007. Neuman, W. Russell; Marcus, George E.; Cringler, Ann Mackuen, Michael. “Theorizing Affects Effects.” in W. Russell Neuman, George E. Marcus, Ann N. Cringler Michael Mackuen (eds.) The Affect Effect: Dynamics of Emotion in Political Thinking and Behavior. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007 Ross, Andrew A. “Coming in from the Cold: Constructivism and Emotions,” European Journal of International Relations 12 (2006): 197-222. Rittberger, Volker. Approaches to the Study of Foreign Policy Derived from International Relations Theory.” Paper presented to ISA annual meeting, March 2002. Stein, Janice Gross. “Building Politics into Psychology: The Misperception of Threat.” Political Psychology, 2 (1988): 245-271. Tetlock, Philip McGuire, Charles. “Cognitive Perspectives on Foreign Policy,” in John Ikenberry, ed., American Foreign Policy: Theoretical Essays, New York: Longman, 2005: 484-500. Voss, James F. Dorsey, Ellen. “Perception and International Relations: An Overview.” in Eric Singer Valerie Hudson (eds.), Political Psychology and Foreign Policy. San Francisco: Westview Press, 1992. Weber, Cynthia. Faking It: U. S. Hegemony in a Post-Phallic era. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. Zajonc, Robert B. “On the Primacy of Affect.” American Psychologist.” 1984 39.2 (1984): 117â€"23.

The Treaty of Tordesillas

Just months after  Christopher Columbus  returned to Europe from his maiden voyage to the New World, the Spanish-born Pope Alexander VI gave Spain a head-start in the quest for domination over newly discovered regions of the world. The Lands of Spain The Pope decreed that all lands discovered west of a meridian 100 leagues (one league is 3 miles or 4.8 km) west of the Cape Verde Islands should belong to  Spain  while new lands discovered east of that line would belong to  Portugal. This papal bull also specified that all lands already under the control of a Christian prince would remain under that same control.​ Negotiating to Move the Line to the West This limiting line made Portugal angry. King John II (the nephew of  Prince Henry the Navigator) negotiated with King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella of Spain to move the line to the west. King Johns rationale to Ferdinand and Isabella was that the Popes line extends all around the globe, thus limiting Spanish influence in Asia. The New Line On June 7, 1494, Spain and Portugal met at Tordesillas, Spain and signed a treaty to move the line 270 leagues west, to 370 leagues west of  Cape Verde. This new line (located at approximately 46 ° 37) gave Portugal more claim to South America yet also provided Portugal with automatic control over most of the Indian Ocean. Treaty of Tordesillas Accurately Determined While it would be several hundred years before the line of the Treaty of Tordesillas could be accurately determined (due to problems determining longitude), Portugal and Spain kept to their sides of the line quite well. Portugal ended up colonizing places like Brazil in South America and India and  Macau  in Asia. Brazils Portuguese-speaking population is a result of the Treaty of Tordesillas. Portugal and Spain ignored an order from the Pope in enacting their treaty, but all was reconciled when Pope Julius II agreed to the change in 1506.

Teenagers Are Suffering With Multiple Eating Disorders

In America, many teenagers are suffering with multiple eating disorders. Once they begin to monitor what to eat, they tend to perform many exercise routines followed by the lack of not eating, these situations should be alarming to the parent that something is not right. Thus, what can we do to resolve this situation among teens? Parents should first become informed towards the issue which their child is facing and take action immediately to save their child from the dangerous activities. It is important for them to realize that their child is in great danger once they begin to do any of these tasks. Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa are psychological problems which mostly affect teenagers and causes them to become conscious about their†¦show more content†¦There are multiple types of eating disorders besides Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa, such as binge eating disorder, purging disorder, and night eating syndrome. Atypical Anorexia nervosa as is it most commonly kn own is having a weight that is extremely below the recommended weight. As a result, many of the people who are classified under this eating disorder starve themselves, so that their body can become thin. In some situations, they starve themselves so much that it can at times become fatal. According to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation, approximately 1 % of the adolescent girls will develop this eating disorder and about 20 % of the people struggling with this eating disorder will die prematurely from complications such as, heart problems or suicide (Miller, 2013, para 2). Bulimia Nervosa occurs when the person has an insanity for overeating too much in short periods and this is then followed by binge eating or purging. The main cause for Bulimia is when the patient has a distorted image of themselves and they see something different from what they really look like. Bulimia Nervosa can be categorized as overeating, fasting, or purging. According to the Palo Alto Medical Foundation, th ey say that 3 % of young women will develop Bulimia nervosa. The source also says that about 50 % of the people who had Anorexia will most likly develop Bulimia or Bulimic patterns later on in their life (Miller,

What does china has an ageing population Free Essays

China, the second larges country in the world, is facing a serious problem — ageing population. Before 1979, when Mao was the chairman of China, he persuaded women to have lots of babies in order to finish his plan – the Great Leap Forward. This is the start of the ageing population in China. We will write a custom essay sample on What does china has an ageing population? or any similar topic only for you Order Now In January 1958, Mao launched the second five year plan known as the Great Leap Forward. 1Mao wanted China to become a world power. He wanted to catch up with the west by ending Chinese dependence upon agriculture. His aim was to catch up with UK in the industry products in ten years time and with America in 15 years time. In order to do this, he will need lots of peasants but many of them die during this progress. This is why Mao encouraged women to have lots of children. In the DTM, the birth rate at stage 2 and 3 are both very high and this is due to requirement of Mao. China’s population base increased â€Å"only† by another 100,000,000 on top of its 432,000,000 base.2 The magnitude of China total population increase so much that even the People’s Republic of China found it hard to support. This is when One Child Policy (ICP) came in to control the over growing population. ICP is the birth control policy of the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)3. When Deng Xiao Ping took over the power at 1978, he realized the overpopulation is a roadblock to economic development and also the death rate will increase due to the lack of food and water, then he came out with the ICP idea. In general, this policy is very successful because the birth rate has been reduced gradually starting at the middle of stage 3 in the DTM. The 1982 fertility survey shows the total fertility rate falling from around 6.0in the mid-1950s to well below 4.0in 19614. However, ICP leads to some other problem such as the ageing population. Since the ICP is introduced, the population has successfully decreased. However, the infant mortality increases at the same time. This is because as a Chinese tradition, the boys carry the family name but now, the families are only allow to have one child therefore the chance of having a boy is less then before. Because of this, some families may choose to kill the baby if it’s a girl in order to carry the family name. This is not the only effect of ICP, since most families choose to have a boy rather than a girl, there will be more males than female in the future. The difference will also increase as the time pass by. As years go by, the medical care develops a lot in China therefore the life expectancy increase at the same time. Since the birth rate was so high is 1960s but then decrease so much when ICP is introduced, there are depend people then independent people. This slows down the economic development of China. When there are more dependent then the government will need to pay more than it earns. Since the dependent people can not earn their own living, the government will have to give them money and because the numbers of dependent people are so many, the money that was given to the dependents is more than the money China earns. The birth rate keeps dropping in China is due to one other main reason – as most of the people are now educated, they understand that if you want to raise up your children as best as you can, one child is more than enough. Also, the cost of having two children is normally too expensive for lower or middle classes. The time that is taken to look after them is too much if both parents are working. These are the main reasons why most of the parents choose not to have more than one child. In conclusion, China has an ageing population a problem is because the birth rate was really high when Mao was the chairman but then it decreases so much that ICP was introduced. The differences between that get worse and develop as the ageing population. Because of this problem, the economic developments is held back since the input and output is not balance due to part of the income is given to those dependent people. The death rate will increase dramatically when the dependent people die. This will affects reputation of China too. How to cite What does china has an ageing population?, Papers

Pressures of Society on Celebrities Essay Example

Pressures of Society on Celebrities Paper Synthesis Essay: Pressures of Society My topic focuses on societal pressures on celebrities and people. While research may confirm that both celebrities and people have the same problems, you cant help but notice that celebrities are more Judged. This is a highly controversial topic because we are so quick to Judge someone based on their actions without really knowing them. While some people think celebrities are a bad influence some still think they can also have some benefits to the community. People and celebrities go through some of the same problems, the only difference is celebrities have no privacy in their ersonal lives and they are put on a higher pedestal. However, we may never know if the high pressures of society will ever change and be more open minded before judging people based on their outside appearance and mistakes. Jack Marshalls article, The Sexualization of Teen Celebrities Is Ethically Questionable, discusses young teens that idolize stars and want to be Just like them so they dress and act the same. Similarly, Julie Mehta article, Celebrity Culture Promotes Unrealistic Body Images, discusses how the younger generations want to look like celebrities and view that their bodies are not as fit or thin enough. Despite the fact that the articles bring up different questions about how we look up celebrities too much, the authors both argue celebrities are idolized too much. Marshall does this by stating, The early sexualization of TV actresses whose fans are young teens and pre-teens has a strong rippling effect across the culture, encouraging girls to go where their idols appear to be going (Marshal. This statement points out that the younger generation wants to be their idols so much that they start mocking what they do. Mehta begin her argument by saying, Perfect images of perfect celebrities are everywhere, and its nough to make anyone feel insecure or envious. (Mehta. ) The article describes the flawless images of celebrities in the media can disturb ones thought about body image and self-esteem.. She goes on to state, Seeing all those artificially perfected images can hurt your body image- the way you see and feel about your body and the way you think others see you. (Mehta. ) In summary, these articles support the argument that we compare and contrast ourselves to celebrities because we feel like that will get us closer to the glitz and glamor of their life. Another source that talks bout the pressures of society is Chris Hedgess article, Celebrity Culture is Harmful. He discusses how celebrity culture only results to self absorption and materialism. This also connects to the main point of Emily Stimsons article, Celebrity Culture Harms Teens. Their article sheds light on the obsession of celebrities and how dangerous their influence really has on the younger generation. Both articles talks about celebrities fame disturbing our society. Hedges and Stimson both talk about stars lives as only the matter about wealth, fame and dont have a touch of reality. He tates that, gossip and chatter dominate what really matters in the nation (Hedges. ) With this statement one could say he is right, people are more bound to watch television talking about the latest sandal with down spiraling celebrities than watching Fox 4 news talk about the war in Iraq. We will write a custom essay sample on Pressures of Society on Celebrities specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Pressures of Society on Celebrities specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Pressures of Society on Celebrities specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Stimpson states that, American teenagers are obsessed witn celebrities and becoming tamous, which nas negative emotional and social consequences (Stimpson. ) The authors go on to fully detail what is wrong with our community and their reasons they think that celebrity culture has ruin our society. In conclusion, this research may be used to support that celebrities are idolized too much and once they make a mistake, we throw it out of proportions, and we criticize them for it. While some of the articles focus more on celebrity obsession, the other articles take into consideration that maybe it isnt their fault that they are so corrupted, but because of the pressure of being perfect that corrupts them. When will we realize that we put too much pressure of stars? How will they be able to make a mistake, when to them it feels like they are walking on eggshells? And once they make a mistake we are there to Judge them and talk down n them, because they got caught. No one is perfect, so why do we have such high standards for them to be? We yearn to be center of attention, to be noticed and admired. We build social media sites only for the sole purpose to present our image in the world. Why are willing to give up our privacy to become famous? We have become so infatuated with celebrities and their fame that we watch everything they do so we can do our best to be Just like them. Has our society become so obsessed with money and power that we have lost track on what is really important in the world? That is a better question. Works Cited Marshall, Jack. The Sexualization of Teen Celebrities Is Ethically Questionable. Is Childhood Becoming Too Sexualized. Olivia Ferguson and Hayley Mitchell Haugen. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2010. At Issue. Rpt. from The Ethics of Child Stardom, Part Two: Miley Cyrus in Vanity Fair. Ethics Scoreboard, 2008. Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 23 Oct. 2013. Mehta, Julie. Celebrity Culture Promotes Unrealistic Body Images. Celebrity Culture. Ed. Roman EspeJo. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2011. Opposing Viewpoints. Rpt. from Pretty Unreal: Ever Wish You Could Look as Hot as Celebrities Do? Well, They Dont Look as Good as You Think. Current Health 2, a Weekly Reader Publication Can. 2005): 15(4). Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 17 Oct. 2013. Hedges, Chris. Celebrity Culture Is Harmful. Celebrity Culture. Ed. Roman EspeJo. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2011. Opposing Viewpoints. Rpt. from Addicted to Nonsense. Truthdig. com. 2009. Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 17 Oct. 2013 Stimpson, Emily. Celebrity Culture Harms Teens. Celebrity Culture. Ed. Fame and Misfortune: Why Teens Thirst for Celebrity in Todays Culture. Our Sunday Visitor (1 1 Jan. 2009). Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 17 Oct. 2013.

Seal Air Corporation Essay Example

Seal Air Corporation Essay Example Seal Air Corporation Essay Seal Air Corporation Essay The management of Sealed Alarm was unable to Identify profitable acquisitions or expansion projects and simply increasing the dividend [would be] admitting defeat. Starting with the World Class Manufacturing program to improve Sealed Airs manufacturing process, Sealed Air established new priorities, such as using cash flow from operations as a major factor in managers bonuses instead of airings per share, and Sealed Air put more emphasis on employee stock ownership after the rationalization. We believe that Sealed Air made a good choice to leverage themselves to the extent that they did, and that decision benefited multiple parties. Management believed that they were not as well suited to invest the $54 million in Sealed Airs cash as their investors would be able to, thereby making those investors happy with the companys decisions. Any shareholders that kept their shares following the rationalization did not lose equity in Sealed Air, which could have happened if Sealed Alarm decided to Issue more shares. The company itself was able to stay Independent without any need for an anti-takeover device. In order to determine how much value was created from Sealed Airs decision to leverage itself, we had to figure out the present value of the interest tax shield. For the senior secured bank credit agreement of $136. 7 million, we reduced the principal by the given repayments from 1991 to 1996 and each year calculated the interest due by multiplying the 1 1. 5% by the beginning balance at the start of each year. Each interest amount for those years was multiplied by the corporate tax rate (34% for 991 and 1992 and 35% thereafter) In order to determine the present value of the tax shield, and the NP of $1 5,904,368 was determined based on those individual year values. For the subordinated bridge notes, the $170 million value was multiplied by the 12. 25% interest rate to determine the interest due. We multiplied this by a constant 35% corporate tax rate to determine the interest tax shield. Using a formula to determine the full tax shield over the 10 years of the bridge notes, this present value was found to be $41 Adding the NP and the bridge notes IV resulted n a $57,283,921 total tax shield, which represents the value that sealed Air gained by the leveraged rationalization By creating value in terms of a tax shield, Sealed Air Corporations decision to pursue this leveraging up plan coincided with World Class Manufacturing. The purpose of the WAC program was to revivalist the culture and operations of the company. In order to execute this program, however, the company had to change directions and become much more disciplined and organized in their operations. Once they were operating efficiently, they then had a structure In place hat served as the foundation for the financial discipline that was then needed to take on a large amount of debt. Termed Dumpy, the CEO of Sealed Air, believed it was necessary to change the companys priorities and incentive structure following the recap. Dumpy felt that management needed to place a greater emphasis on the importance of generating cash flow. Prior to the recap, their Incentive structure was based on earnings-per-share, which takes Into account non-cash accounting expenses. By swelling ten Touch to A, management was teen addle to Touch on cash flow from operations. Additionally, Sealed Air focused on meeting inventory, receivables, and working capital goals that required management to be more aware of cash that was tied up in these balance sheet items. Dumpy also placed a strong emphasis on employee stock ownership. He felt that this sort of profit sharing would greater align the interests of shareholders and employees, and effectively improve the overall performance of the company. After the recap, many institutional investors had sold their holdings, and were replaced by cash flow investors. On one hand, the institutional investors were more conservative. They aimed at investing in companies with consistent growth, a solid financial situation, and limited downside risk. On the other hand, the one-time special dividend eliminated pension funds that required themselves to hold dividend paying stocks. Moreover, other institutional investors who sold their shares were negative toward leverage and deficit net worth. The managers of Sealed Air should be concerned more about this situation, and focus on cash flow projections. The important new shareholders for Sealed Air became speculative wealthy private investors who were looking for significant gains n profitability. This leveraged rationalization plan required management to curb their capital expenditures per year. This situation could make it hard for a firm to stay competitive in the market but in the case of Sealed Air, the constraint imposed on capital expenditures under the bank lending agreement was good for the company, although it was difficult to achieve. Capital expenditures were restricted to a set amount from 1990 to 1995, which forced the Sealed Air to make wiser decisions to reduce capital expenditures and restructure the formal capital budgeting process. In this way, the company would generate more free cash flows, which would benefit the leveraged rationalization to some extent. We think the managers would be able to renegotiate the covenant successfully. By the end of 1989, the leveraged recap proved to be successful, putting the company a year ahead of the principal payments required by the banks. The managers could renegotiate the covenant by identifying the success of the rationalization with stronger balance sheets. Leverage rationalization is a risky business venture for any company. When evaluating several options for the use of Sealed Air Corporations cash, management did not want to sit on their $54 million. Rather, they wanted to keep company performance at a maximum. In order to do this, management decided to leverage up the company by borrowing money and paying out dividends to their shareholders. Management was confident Sealed Airs cash flows would stay constant for the foreseeable future, which is necessary for leveraged rationalization to work. Furthermore, by leveraging the company, operational improvements were made by holding management responsible for increasing the corporations cash flows. The use of leverage rationalization to change the organizational structure of the company also coincided with managements implementation of World Class Manufacturing. Although leveraged rationalization worked out well for Sealed Air Corporation, it would not be good for all companies to do. A company who participates in leveraged rationalization has to be able to maintain or increase their cash flows for the life of their debt repayment. If a company is not able to hold a steady cash flow, they will have a hard time maintaining the interest payments on their loans. A company who prates In a non-volatile environment Witt a lack AT competition Is Test salute Tort this procedure. A company whose cash flows can change as the market moves would not be well suited for this capital structure. In addition, a corporation must have a strong management core in order to maintain operational efficiency thus improving future cash flows for the company. If management shirks even a little bit, a corporation may be unable to lean out their operations as necessary. Finally, a company that needs to invest in capital expenditures in order to continue their operations would not be suited well for a leveraged rationalization plan. As seen by Sealed Air Corporations binding debt covenants, Sealed Air was only allowed to spend a certain amount per year on capital expenditures. From analyzing this case study, as well as further research on Sealed Air Corporation, it can be seen that a leveraged rationalization plan worked out well for Sealed Air. Sealed Air had all of the necessary requirements in order to make a plan like this successful. The company created value for the corporation as a whole, as well as their shareholders. Management was able to show that the corporations shares were undervalued and improved investors perception of the company in the market.

French Expressions Using Pain

French Expressions Using Pain The French word le pain literally means bread and is also used in many idiomatic expressions. Learn how to say worthless, bankrupt, godsend, and more with this list of expressions with pain. Possible Meanings of Un Pain Loaf (of bread)Bar (of wax)Bar, cake (of soap)Block (of ice) Expressions with Pain Un arbre pain – Breadfruit tree Notre pain quotidien (religion) – Our daily bread Le pain et le vin (religion) – The bread and wine Pain dabeilles – Bee bread Pain dautel (religion) – Host Pain bà ©ni(t) – Consecrated bread Pain brà »là © (adjective) – Deep golden brown Pain eucharistique – Eucharist Pain grillà © – Toast Un pain de là ©gumes/poisson/etc. – Vegetable/fish/etc. loaf Une planche pain – Bread board; (informal) flat-chested woman Une tà ªte en pain de sucre – Egg-shaped head la mie de pain (informal) – Worthless, inconsistent Bon comme (du) bon pain – Good like good bread (extremely good) Long comme un jour sans pain (informal) – Interminable Pour une bouchà ©e de pain (informal) – Cheap, for a song Pour un morceau de pain (informal) – Cheap, for a son Avoir du pain sur la planche (informal) – To have a lot to do, have a lot on ones plate, have ones work cut out Avoir peur de manquer de pain – To be worried about the future Avoir son pain cuit – To be rich; to be condemned Enlever quelquun le pain de la bouche – To deprive someone Être leau et au pain sec – To be bankrupt; to be given only bread and water Être bon comme le pain – To be extremely good Faire de quelque chose son pain quotidien – To make something a habit Faire passer le goà »t du pain quelquun (informal) – To do someone in, to kill Faire perdre le goà »t du pain quelquun (informal) – To do someone in, to kill Gagner son pain – To make a living Manger son pain blanc (informal) – To be in a good situation temporarily Manger son pain noir (informal) – To be in a bad situation temporarily Manger son pain en son sac (informal) – To eat secretly / on the sly Manger un pain trempà © de larmes – To pay a lot for something Ne pas manger de ce pain-l (informal) – To avoid profiting from a sticky or illegal situation Mettre un pain quelquun (informal) – To punch/sock someone Mettre quelquun au pain sec – To punish someone by giving them only bread to eat Nul pain sans peine – No pain, no gain Ôter le goà »t du pain quelquun (informal) – To do someone in, to kill Ôter le pain de la bouche de quelquun – To deprive someone Se prendre un pain (informal) – To get punched or socked one Retirer le pain de la bouche de quelquun – To deprive someone Savoir de quel cà ´tà © son pain est beurrà © (informal) – To know what side your bread is buttered on (to be opportunistic) Tremper son pain de larmes – To be in despair Se vendre comme des petits pains (informal) – To sell very quickly, sell like hotcakes Vendre son pain avant quil ne soit cuit (informal) – To be presumptous, count ones chickens before theyre hatched Ne pas vivre que de pain – To not be materialistic Ça ne mange pas de pain. (informal) – Its not expensive, Its not important. Cest mon gagne-pain. (informal) – Its my job, Its how I make a living. Cest pain bà ©ni(t). (informal) – Its a godsend. Donnez-nous aujourdhui notre pain quotidien. – Give us this day our daily bread. Il a plus de la moitià © de son pain cuit. – He wont live long. Il pleure le pain quil mange. – Hes stingy. Il reste du pain sur la planche. – Theres still a lot to do. Il ne vaut pas le pain quil mange. (informal) – He is lazy. Je vais au pain. (informal) – Im going to get the bread. French Bread Related Expressions There are a lot of different kinds of French bread - here are some of the most common. Gros pain – Bread sold by weight Pain azyme – Unleavened bread Pain bà ©ni(t) – Consecrated bread Pain bis – Brown bread Pain de boulanger – Bakers bread Pain brià © – Hard-crusted, very dense bread from Normandy Pain de campagne – Farmhouse bread, country bread Pain chanter – Unleavened bread Pain au chocolat – Chocolate croissant Pain complet – Wholewheat / wholemeal bread Pain dorà © – French toast Pain dur – Dry bread Pain dà ©pices – Gingerbread Pain (de) fantaisie – Bread sold by piece rather than by weight Pain frais – Fresh bread Pain franà §ais (in Belgium) – Any long loaf of bread Pain de Gà ªnes – Sponge cake with almonds Pain grillà © – Toast Pain de gruau – Vienna bread Pain au lait – Sweet roll / bun Pain au levain – Traditionally leavened bread Pain long – Any long, cylindrical bread like a baguette Pain de mà ©nage – Homemade bread Pain de mie – Sandwich bread (with a thin crust) Pain mollet – Type of bread roll made with milk Pain moulà © – Bread cooked in a pan rather than directly on the oven rack Pain parisien – Long loaf of bread weighing 400 grams Pain perdu – French toast Pain polka – Bread marked with squares Pain quotidien – Everyday bread Pain aux raisins – Raisin Danish Pain rassis –Stale bread Pain de seigle –Rye bread Pain de son – Bran bread Pain de sucre – Sugar loaf Un petit pain – Bread roll